The federalist paper

Those who hold and those who are without property have ever formed distinct interests in society. Also, the fact that each representative is chosen from a larger constituency should make the "vicious arts" of electioneering [21] a reference to rhetoric less effective.

Whoever seriously considers the immense extent of territory comprehended within the limits of the United States, with the variety of its climates, productions, and commerce, the difference of extent, and number of inhabitants in all; the dissimilitude of interest, morals, and policies, in almost every one, will receive it as an intuitive truth, that a consolidated republican form of government therein, can never form a perfect union, establish justice, insure domestic tranquility, promote the general welfare, and secure the blessings of liberty to you and your posterity, for to these objects it must be directed: But these weapons for delay are given to the minority irrespective of its factious or nonfactious character; and they can be used against the majority irrespective of its factious or nonfactious character.

New York held out until July 26; certainly The Federalist was more important there than anywhere else, but Furtwangler argues that it "could hardly rival other major forces in the ratification contests"—specifically, these forces included the personal influence of well-known Federalists, for instance Hamilton and Jay, and Anti-Federalists, including Governor George Clinton.

The rest of the series, however, is dominated by three long segments by a single writer: But these weapons for delay are given to the minority irrespective of its factious or nonfactious character; and they can be used against the majority irrespective of its factious or nonfactious character.

Here, again, the extent of the Union gives it the most palpable advantage. These were in essence a military alliance between sovereign nations adopted to better fight the Revolutionary War. However anxiously we may wish that these complaints had no foundation, the evidence, of known facts will not permit us to deny that they are in some degree true.

A second bound volume containing Federalist 37—77 and the yet to be published Federalist 78—85 was released on May Preamble to the U. In a large republic there are men of large fortunes, and consequently of less moderation; there are trusts too great to be placed in any single subject; he has interest of his own; he soon begins to think that he may be happy, great and The federalist paper, by oppressing his fellow citizens; and that he may raise himself to grandeur on the ruins of his country.

So strong is this propensity of mankind to fall into mutual animosities, that where no substantial occasion presents itself, the most frivolous and fanciful distinctions have been sufficient to kindle their unfriendly passions and excite their most violent conflicts.

The fourth topic expanded into detailed coverage of the individual articles of the Constitution and the institutions it mandated, while the two last topics were merely touched on in the last essay. Although written and published with haste, The Federalist articles were widely read and greatly influenced the shape of American political institutions.

The protection of these faculties is the first object of government. By a faction, I understand a number of citizens, whether amounting to a majority or a minority of the whole, who are united and actuated by some common impulse of passion, or of interest, adversed to the rights of other citizens, or to the permanent and aggregate interests of the community.

No tribute can be paid to them which exceeds their merit; but in applying their opinions to the cases which may arise in the progress of our government, a right to judge of their correctness must be retained. It is mentioned without proof at this time that the Federal Constitution under consideration balances all of these issues with a Republican Government.

Later in his study, Beard repeated his point, only providing more emphasis. The Anti-Federalist belief that the wide disparity in the economic interests of the various states would lead to controversy was perhaps realized in the American Civil Warwhich some scholars attribute to this disparity.

There are two great points of difference in favor of the Republic, the delegation of the government to representatives elected by the citizens and the greater number of citizens and area over which it may be applied.

InJames Gideon published a third edition containing corrections by Madison, who by that time had completed his two terms as President of the United States. Complaints are everywhere heard from our most considerate and virtuous citizens, equally the friends of public and private faith, and of public and personal liberty, that our governments are too unstable, that the public good is disregarded in the conflicts of rival parties, and that measures are too often decided, not according to the rules of justice and the rights of the minor party, but by the superior force of an interested and overbearing majority.

The instability, injustice, and confusion introduced into the public councils, have, in truth, been the mortal diseases under which popular governments have everywhere perished; as they continue to be the favorite and fruitful topics from which the adversaries to liberty derive their most specious declamations.

Liberty is to faction what air is to fire, an aliment without which it instantly expires. Theoretic politicians, who have patronized this species of government, have erroneously supposed that by reducing mankind to a perfect equality in their political rights, they would, at the same time, be perfectly equalized and assimilated in their possessions, their opinions, and their passions.

Against "the minor party," there could emerge "an interested and overbearing majority," Madison warns Dawsonp. Hence it is that such democracies have ever been spectacles of turbulence and contention; have ever been found incompatible with personal security or the rights of property; and have in general been as short in their lives as they have been violent in their deaths.

They wanted a republic diverse enough to prevent faction but with enough commonality to maintain cohesion among the states. Cooke's edition is seen as authoritative, and is most used today. A rage for paper money, for an abolition of debts, for an equal division of property, or for any other improper or wicked project, will be less apt to pervade the whole body of the Union than a particular member of it; in the same proportion as such a malady is more likely to taint a particular county or district, than an entire State.

See The Federalist, No. It is this form of Party Politics that is wrong, not the constitution, and it should be disgraced and every politician behaving this way should be shamed and ridiculed until it stops.

Does it consist in the greater security afforded by a greater variety of parties, against the event of any one party being able to outnumber and oppress the rest. Therefore a large Republic will defeat the will of a faction if it is detrimental to the whole because of the merit of the representatives, the founders thought.

The influence of factious leaders may kindle a flame within their particular States, but will be unable to spread a general conflagration through the other States. They then brought this desire to the Federal Republican Government. He then argues that the only problem comes from majority factions because the principle of popular sovereignty should prevent minority factions from gaining power.

The main heads have also been taken from that edition and a few later ones, except where the head was something like "The Same Subject Continued" we have repeated the previous heading and appended " continued ", so that each document can better stand alone.

A zeal for different opinions concerning religion, concerning government, and many other points, as well of speculation as of practice; an attachment to different leaders ambitiously contending for pre-eminence and power; or to persons of other descriptions whose fortunes have been interesting to the human passions, have, in turn, divided mankind into parties, inflamed them with mutual animosity, and rendered them much more disposed to vex and oppress each other than to co-operate for their common good.

The Federalist.

The text of this version is primarily taken from the first collected "McLean edition", but spelling and punctuation have been modernized, and some glaring errors -- mainly printer's lapses -- have been corrected. The Federalist: A Commentary on the Constitution of the United States (Modern Library Classics) [Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, James Madison, Robert Scigliano] on douglasishere.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers.

The series of essays that comprise The Federalist constitutes one of the key texts of the American Revolution and the democratic system created in the wake of independence. Federalist No.

10 is an essay written by James Madison as the tenth of The Federalist Papers: a series of essays initiated by Alexander Hamilton arguing for the ratification of the United States douglasishere.comhed on November 22, under the name "Publius", Federalist No.

10 is among the most highly regarded of all American political writings. No. 10 addresses the question of how to. FEDERALIST No. Concerning the Difficulties of the Convention in Devising a Proper Form of Government James Madison: FEDERALIST No.

The Same Subject Continued, and the Incoherence of the Objections to the New Plan Exposed James Madison: FEDERALIST No.

“The Federalist Papers” (more correctly called “The Federalist”) is a series of 85 essays that seek to explain the United States Constitution and the. Margot Cleveland is a senior contributor to The Federalist.

Cleveland served nearly 25 years as a permanent law clerk to a federal appellate judge and is a former full-time faculty member and.

The federalist paper